Russian Disinformation Machine in CAR Exposed

ADF STAFF

Central African journalist Ephrem Yalike-Ngonzo recalls the first time he was approached by a Russian man named Micha who offered him 200,000 CFA francs (about $320) per month to spread disinformation and propaganda for the Kremlin.

The year was 2019, and the money was more than twice his salary as editor-in-chief of a local pro-government news website called Le Potentiel Centrafricain.

“In the Central African media, few people earn more than 150,000 CFA francs (about $240),” Yalike told Radio France Internationale.

Yalike exposed Russia’s sprawling disinformation operation in the Central African Republic (CAR) as part of a two-year investigation by Forbidden Stories, a group of investigative journalists who teamed with 10 media partners, including French newspaper Le Monde and RFI.

“It is important for me to share this story so that justice can be done,” he told The Associated Press for a November 21 article. “To denounce the disrespect of human rights, and to expose the disinformation system which can be replicated in other countries.”

Forbidden Stories identified “Micha” as Mikhail Mikhailovitch Prudnikov, a Russian agent with close ties to the infamous Wagner Group mercenaries. For three years Yalike wrote stories praising the Russian mercenaries and the CAR military government.

He quit working at Le Potentiel in early 2020 when Prudnikov hired him to lead Wagner’s relations with the local media for 500,000 CFA francs (more than $800) a month. He was given 30 smartphones, which he distributed to young people who were chosen as influencers on social media platforms to share, comment on and “like” Wagner’s fake news.

Yalike and Prudnikov met regularly at the Roux military camp, Wagner’s headquarters in the capital, Bangui, to coordinate an extensive, systematic disinformation machine.

Prudnikov paid him at different places: the base, a hotel in the city or at Radio Lengo Songo, a radio station created and funded by Wagner. Yalike said Prudnikov also gave him money to distribute to other local writers whose assignments he coordinated. He paid editors to place the fake news stories and paid radio station managers to feature “experts” who also were paid to share their pro-Russian opinions.

Yalike organized demonstrations meant to appear as though the Central African people were opposed to France, the United Nations and the West. At Wagner’s base he saw Russians use a printing press to make posters and banners for demonstrations that they financed.

“These demonstrations have never emanated from the will of the people,” he told RFI. “They are always orchestrated. I gave the money to one of the leaders so that he could redistribute it. It’s 2,000 francs per young person, normally. During these demonstrations, I am also supposed to invite local media to come and cover this and relay it. To each media, I give 10,000 francs.”

Among his responsibilities, Yalike also worked to suppress criticism of the government. In time, he became disillusioned with the work and had a change of heart.

“I realized it was against my conscience,” he told the AP. “This was not journalism. … They were pushing me: You should do this, you should write about this.”

Hired in 2018 to protect and prop up the regime of Faustin-Archange Touadéra, Wagner mercenaries have faced credible accusations of war crimes, atrocities and human rights abuses against Central African civilians.

Wagner has taken advantage of CAR’s fragile institutions and army to develop “a blueprint for state capture,” according to a report by investigative watchdog The Sentry. Wagner mercenaries train the army on torture tactics, including cutting off hands, removing fingernails and burning people alive, according to the report.

Yalike was told to cover up abuses and atrocities committed by Wagner fighters. By then, he wanted to quit but was afraid of his Russian handlers.

“It all started with the tragic fate reserved for five Wagner tanker truck drivers accused of fuel theft and violently tortured in Ndachima before being transferred and incarcerated in the Roux camp prison for almost a year,” publisher Alain Nzilo wrote in an article on his website, Corbeau News, on March 5, 2024.

Military sources told Corbeau that Wagner suspected Yalike had committed treason by leaking details of the Ndachima story.

“They accused me of writing it,” he told the AP. “There were a lot of hidden threats. … I was scared for my life.”

Yalike decided to flee his homeland after Prudnikov took him outside of Bangui, questioned him at gunpoint and threatened his life. In early 2024, Yalike managed to get his wife and child out before crossing into a neighboring country and leaving the continent for good.

“When you get into this system, it’s hard to get out,” he told RFI.

Other journalists in the CAR continue to work for the Russians, but Nzilo emphasizes Yalike’s story as a cautionary tale.

“This series of tragedies highlights the dangers that await those who venture to work for Wagner,” he wrote.

Now safely abroad, Yalike said he feels shame and regret but is heartened by his belief that Russian propaganda has failed in its most basic objective.

“People do not have a positive view of the Russians,” he told the AP. “But everyone is afraid to say so.”